Modi has The qualification, The Ability To Be PM

Now the waiting time is too near and we will find our New PM

With Gujarat not being scalable to the rest of India, what options does the BJP have to capture power?
If the BJP is to be the main player in a winning coalition, the BJP needs a degree of emotive polarisation. However, that by itself is useless without an alliance with other Middle Caste leaders. That is the basic reason why we find ourselves in an era of coalition politics.
The BJP just cannot win on its own steam given the rival Congress's strategy of polarisation along caste lines.India is locked into divisive politics of one sort or the other.
If the Gujarat model is not scalable, what are Modi's chances of leading the assault on Delhi?
Nitish Kumar, and other Middle Caste leaders like him, will find Modi's creation of a cult around himself too hard to swallow.
Furthermore, aligning with Modi's hard Hindutva will lose them the critical Muslim vote on which they depend to keep the Congress at bay.
Given the Congress strategy of coalition-building, the BJP will have to find leaders acceptable to its potential coalition partners in order to win.
And Modi, with his near contemptuous disdain for minorities, together with his strenuous efforts to build a personality cult, has more or less ruled himself out of the game.
Can a softer, more balanced narrative rehabilitate Modi after his power struggle within the Sangh Parivar is settled in his favour?
Modi faces stiff competition from a gaggle of BJP national leaders but few of them have his electoral reach or access to corporate war chests. The latter is critical in the BJP because central leaders have no separate access to resources that are needed to reward corporate generosity. Their funding comes entirely from regional satraps like Modi.
Furthermore, it is not clear that the Brahmins of Nagpur are ready to surrender their vast cultural organisation to a Middle Caste leader like Modi. Note that the BJP has no organisational muscle of its own. It depends more or less entirely on the cultural reach of the RSS and its cadres to pull in voters.
The RSS is the political party of cadres and the BJP the political party of leaders. The latter is nothing without the former.
Modi has supplanted BJP/RSS cadres with his own people in Gujarat. Will the Brahmins of Nagpur risk losing their only crown jewel to a relative outsider? This is not a question to be taken lightly.
Whatever be its merits or demerits, the RSS remains one of the most potent political organisations in India.
Much of Modi's obduracy towards minorities is predicated on his need to win the battle for supremacy within the Sangh Parivar. As a shrewd politician with an eye on Delhi's throne, he would have made the appropriate noises of remorse and regret for 2002 long before this, but for the need to keep his firebrand supporters by his side.
Modi needs to win over either the RSS or his rivals in Delhi to emerge as the undisputed leader within the Sangh Parivar. Without one or the other, he cannot win.
This triangular contest is what constrains Modi's emergence as a national leader in his own right.
Modi has various other options open to him, one of which is to be less aggressive and perhaps join the collegium of BJP leaders in Delhi and become a team player and bide his time.
Provided he mellows down, the BJP could then use him as the polarising factor to lead the Hindutva charge for power.
If Modi were to consent to play L K Advani to a more acceptable BJP leader as Atal Bihari Vajpayee, he would give the BJP the chance it needs to build a winning coalition with Middle Caste leaders.

Is Modi really larger than his image? If you find him retaining his chief minister's post in Gujarat and consenting to work for the greater good of his party, you will have your answer.

Ananya Mishra said "Chunav ki Nauka me Jati ka patwar"

Yah kahna atiyukti na hogi ki hindusan k pm pad ko pane k line me lage rajnetao ko bhi election me fatah hasil kerne k liye jati ka sahara lena pad raha hai. Tisre mauke k himayati aur usme khud ko pm pd ki davedari rakhne wale manniya mulayam singh election jeetne k liye Yadav bahul Azamgarh ko vikas ka shabd vad dikha rahe the. VJP k Pm pad k candidate Manniya Narendra Modi ko bhi apne Vikas aur Good Government ka agenda chodker jati viradari k chakrvyuh me janta ko uljhane ki kutnitik chal chalni padi. Gosna patra aur maukhik bhasan baji me koi kitna hi vikas, Bhrastachar aur good government ki bat kyun na kare, antath jati viradari ka chakker un sabhi netao ki pol khol deta hai jo chunav me jati ka trumpcard kholte hain. Is mamle me  Mayawati ji ki kisi social engineering k formule se prayah sabhi parichit hain jo shuddh jatiya rajniti per aadharit hain. Desh ka durbhagya hai ki Hindustan ki rajnit me natik mulyo ka kharan ho raha hai. Vyaktigat aarop- prtyarop aur jati k nam per blackmailing ki rajniti ka prachlan jor pakdata ja raha hai. Aaj chunav ki vatrani nadi ko par kerne k liye kisi ko bhi jati ki ptwar thamne me koi hichak nahi hai.

Ananya shared "How can we make India corruption free?"

• Individuals with corrupt label should be barred to contest in elections.
• ·Laws have to be changed so as to make corrupt elements to come under vigorous punishment.
• ·The practice of dowry should be barred which is the root cause of all corrupt practices.
• ·The donation system in engineering and medical colleges etc. should be banned, as by this system corruption is gaining ground in all circles.
• ·Educational and employment opportunities have to be enhanced and augmented.
• ·Process of license system should be liberalized.
• ·Powers should be decentralized.
• ·All government policies should be transparent.
• ·Government should fix specific time period for each government service and dealing of government towards the public.
• ·A permanent number code is to be allotted to every person. He /she should quote the code for each and every financial transaction.
• ·All loopholes in the acts and laws of government should be plugged.
• ·Higher tax rate encourages evading payment of taxes thereby abetting corruption, and loop holes in the tax laws. So tax rates should be reduced.
• ·The system of e-governance should be introduced.
• ·People’s representatives should submit their assets and that of the members of their family, at the time of nomination. Every year accounts should be audited by a committee consists of special officers and joint parliamentary committee.
• ·Measures for population control should be taken in letter and spirit and efforts should be taken for the coming 25 years regarding population control. It is to be seen that the population has to be controlled to 2/3 of population of which we have today for the next 25 years.

Challenge For Uttar Pradesh

Both economically and socially, Uttar Pradesh (UP), India’s largest state, has become the nation’s greatest backwater. At over 170 million people, more than 16 percent of India’s population resides in UP, though it accounts for only 6 percent of the nation’s gross domestic product (GDP). UP’s economic growth rate has been below the national average since 1960. In fact, from 1960-80, the economic growth rates of both UP and Tamil Nadu were not very different.  Since 1981 – when India’s average growth rate climbed to roughly 6 percent per year – Tamil Nadu has transformed itself and reached the national average while, at 4.5 percent per year. UP has remained resolutely behind. Agriculture still accounts for over 40 percent of UP’s economic output, as opposed to less than 17 percent of India’s GDP today. UP’s literacy rate is 7 percent below the national average and a girl in UP is likely to live 20 years less than a girl in Kerala. Of the other North Indian states, Rajasthan has already begun to turn itself around and Bihar is also showing signs of arresting its downward trend, while UP’s decline continues unabated.

If one were to read India’s history or quickly survey national politics since 1947, UP’s enormous lag would come as a big surprise. All but four Prime Ministers of India have come from UP. Right or wrong, India’s civilizational history has also been North-centric: UP has the Taj Mahal, the holy city of Varanasi, and the confluence of Ganga and Jamuna rivers in Allahabad.  These sites are of great national and international importance.  

In the 1950s and 60s, Bangalore was a sleepy town while UP’s capital, Lucknow, was bustling with self-belief and glory. Today, Bangalore is written about throughout the world while Lucknow is a relic of the past. Kanpur, a city far ahead of Bangalore in industrialization until the 1960s, has plunged into the depths of economic despair with the closing of its textile mills. The town of Noida constitutes the only recent success story of national magnitude from UP. However, the performance of Noida may have more to do with its proximity to Delhi and less with UP’s policy vision.

What accounts for such a miserable record? The long-term sources of UP’s decline remain unclear, but the more recent causes are clearly identifiable. For roughly two decades until 2007, no government in UP lasted throughout its term and there was no policy stability.

India’s poverty level falls to record 22%: Planning Commission

25.7% of people in rural areas, 13.7% in urban areas, now live below poverty line, according to the plan panel

Poverty in India declined to a record 22% in 2011-12, the Planning Commission disclosed on Tuesday. Over the last decade, poverty has witnessed a consistent decline with the levels dropping from 37.2% in 2004-05 to 29.8% in 2009-10. The number of poor is now estimated at 269.3 million, of which 216.5 million reside in rural India
While the trend is not surprising, the extent of the decline has opened up a debate on the factors that have led to it. The numbers themselves may be debatable but they are reflective of a broader trend.

One theory is that this is the outcome of the trickle-down impact of the record growth witnessed in the first decade of the new millennium.

This growth, though, has not been accompanied by a commensurate rise in employment, implying that its benefits have not really trickled down. Still, the growth did result in higher tax revenue, enabling the government to fund a large social sector spending programme.

This programme, which included schemes such as the rural job guarantee one, played a significant part in reducing India’s poverty levels, an alternative theory says.

The seven-year period between 2004-05 and 2011-12 saw the development expenditure of the government trending upwards, with its share increasing from 38% in 2004-05 to 45% of total expenditure in 2011-12.

The two theories, in some way, mirror the ongoing debate between Nobel laureate Amartya Sen and Columbia University economist Jagdish Bhagwati. While Sen makes a case for integrating development expenditure with growth to combat poverty, Bhagwati argues that rapid growth should be the priority, with the resulting trickle-down taking care of the underprivileged.

According to the release from the Planning Commission, 25.7% of people in rural areas were below the so-called poverty line and 13.7% in urban areas. This is comparable with 33.8% and 20.9%, respectively, in 2009-10, and 42% and 25.5%, respectively, in 2004-05.

The poverty numbers are estimated on the basis of consumption expenditure captured in the five-year surveys undertaken by the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO). The decline in poverty numbers was first reported by The Hindu on 16 July.

The press release sought to show that the number of poor has declined faster in the period during which the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance was in power and that, in the same period, the monthly expenditure per person had increased more equitably, especially in rural areas. Nearly 20 million people were pulled out of poverty every year, the data showed.

While experts welcomed the decline in poverty, they flagged concerns such as the comparability of the numbers.

राजनीति में जातिवाद

जैसा कि सबको विदित है कि आगामी पांच राज्यों के विधानसभा चुनाव का चारो ओर शोर है . भारत एक ऐसा राष्ट्र है जहाँ हर जाति , हर समुदाय के लोग बसते है . ऐसी अनेकता में एकता समस्त संसार में मिलना असंभव है .
किन्तु शायद ये हमारा दुर्भाग्य ही है की हमारे नेता , देश का प्रतिनिधितित्व करने वाले लोग अपनी राजनीति की ईमारत की नींव जाति रूपी ईट पर खड़ी करते है . सत्ता प्राप्ति के लिए ये किसी भी हद को पर कर जाते है . आज भारत भ्रष्टाचार से त्रुस्त है और उसका एक प्रमुख कारण जातिवाद है . आमतौर पर देखा जाता है की कोई भी प्रत्याशी अपनी जाति , अपने धर्म के लोगो के बीच वोट मांगने जाता है और यदि जीत जाता है तो विकास भी उसी छेत्र का करता है , किन्तु अपने छेत्र के सभी जनों का विकास करना उसका दायित्व है , जिसे वो नहीं निभाता . जाति , धर्म के नाम पर ही जनता के बीच दंगे करवाए जाते है जो कि निंदनीय है .
आज जनता को आगे आकर इसके विरुद्ध आवाज उठानी चाहिए और इस जातिवाद नामक बीमारी को देश से बाहर निकालना चाहिए , किन्तु इसके लिए जन सहयोग की आवशयकता है .
किसी भी चुनाव में समस्त शक्ति जनता में निहित होती है अतः जनता से नर्म निवेदन है कि सही उम्मीदवार का चयन करे. जाति अथवा धर्म के प्रवाह में बहकर किसी गलत उम्मीदवार को ना चुने . क्योकि ये देश के लिए हानिकारक हो सकता है .
अगर वास्तव में भारत को एक धर्मनिरपेक्ष , पंथनिरपेक्ष राष्ट्र बनाना है तो हमें साथ आकर जाति अथवा धर्म के दानव का वध करना होगा .

Ananya Mishra - Why is the youth vote important?

According to our research , only 37.4% of 18 to 24-year-olds voted at the 2008 general election. That means over 60% of young Canadians did not participate in selecting this country's government.
      When politicians know in advance that most young people don't vote, they may be less interested in making the effort to be responsive to issues that matter to younger Canadians.Some say that young people don't vote because politicians don't care about youth issues or don't talk to young people in their own language. But by not voting, young Canadians lose an important opportunity to make their voices heard by politicians.